by Robert
O.
Woods |
At first glance, the most striking
feature of a Roman aqueduct is the mathematical precision of the arches.
These structures are beautiful, and the Romans have written about their
beauty, but aesthetics were only secondary. Aqueducts were built for a
utilitarian purpose. They supplied the water that is the lifeblood of
any civilization.
Without an abundant source, Rome, which in its prime in antiquity was
a city of somewhere between a half-million and a million, could not have
existed. These structures were too important to be the work of amateurs.
Rome had a very professional corps of engineers who made a lasting contribution
to Western civilization by building them.
The place of engineering in history can be judged by the traditional date
for the beginning of the Dark AgesMarch 537, when the king of
the Ostrogoths cut the last aqueduct supplying water to Rome and proved
conclusively that the Western empire was finished.
Pont du Gard, the aqueduct spanning the Gardon River north of Nimes, France,
is one of the best surviving examples of Roman aqueduct construction.
It transported water from a spring 20 km from the city center and only
14.6 meters above the point of delivery. In a straight line, this would
have been a slope of a yard and a half per mile, but the route was far
from straight. Because of the circuitous route, the channel's actual
length was more than 50 km.
A 21st-century engineer can't help but ask, how did they do it?
The structure was built 2,000 years before GPS or laser surveying equipment.
It had long been thought that particular aqueduct was built around 20
B.C., probably by Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, who also built the Pantheon
and other structures in Rome. He worked upon direct orders from Caesar
Augustus and was, in fact, Augustus's top aide in areas other than
architecture. Later studies now date it to about 50 A.D. and attribute
it to an unknown architect.
 |
| The groma was a device for plotting
right angles in the field. It worked well as long as the wind didn't
blow. |
If we study these structures, we find that the Roman understanding of
hydraulics was well advanced. We also find that surveying and construction
depended on the primitivenot to be mistaken for crudeprocess
of breaking every geometric problem into a series of orthogonal blocks
of manageable human size and repeating the process as many times as needed
to cover the horizontal and vertical extent of the terrain. This applied
to site surveying as well as to the lofting of the structure.
Zero and 90-degree angles are fairly easy to lay out. Anything in between
is another problem. The precise measurement of angles other than right
angles was rarely done and, in the absence of trigonometry, would have
been pointless.
This breaking of the problem into rectanglesor prisms in the three-dimensional
casecan be thought of as mesh generation on a geological scale.
Hero of Alexandria, around the first century A.D., wrote a series of Treatises
on this subject. The steps by which he reduces the geometry of an irregular
landscape to a series of orthogonal constructions look familiar to those
of us who worked in finite element analysis during the days when we were
hard put to program a computer to generate anything other than a square
mesh.
The greatest part of our knowledge regarding Roman surveying instrumentsalong
with information about a wealth of other ancient technologycomes
from the writings of Marcus Vitruvius Pollio in the first century B.C.
Among other topics, he discussed surveying in his 10 surviving books on
architecture.
Plane mapping was accomplished with orthogonal grids that were laid out
using an instrument that resembled a Tibetan prayer wheel. In that device,
called a groma, a cross-shaped frame was mounted horizontally on a vertical
column. At each end of the cross, a plumb bob was hung. Right angles were
constructed by sighting along orthogonal pairs of wires.
 |
| Graceful Roman arches, built about
2,000 years ago, held up a carefully crafted water course more than
50 km long, from a rural spring to the city of Nimes. |
Although it was the workhorse of Roman surveying, this arrangement was
not easy to use in the field. Vitruvius emphasized that it was particularly
difficult in any appreciable wind. The presence of a breeze called for
various expedients, such as constructing tentlike screens around the instrument
or the more sophisticated approach of dampening the swing of the bobs
by suspending them in containers of liquid.
Maps were created using rectangles whose sizes were limited by the topography
of the region, since it was necessary to sight visually, and with the
unaided eye, along the edge of each rectangle.
Since nothing resembling the precision of modern theodolites existed,
elevations were determined by an arrangement that was even more cumbersome
than plane surveying. A choice of several instruments existed, but whichever
was used, vertical offsets were determined, not by measuring angles, but
by establishing a horizontal reference at some point and sighting from
that point to a measuring rod held vertically at the next survey point.
This was repeated inchworm fashion as many times as necessary to reach
the final elevation.
These measurements might then be tied to a planar surveying that had been
done as a preliminary. The distance between each pair of points was limited
by the practical length of a measuring rod and the need to maintain an
unobstructed line of sight.
M.J.T. Lewis has published a work that is a dazzling combination of classical
scholarship and pragmatic experimentation, Surveying Instruments of Greece
and Rome (Cambridge University Press, 2001). Among other things, he has
undertaken a comprehensive study of the limits of accuracy that are attainable
using modern reconstructions of ancient instruments.
 |
| The chorobates was a tool used
to get a horizontal reference by sighting along the top. A modern
writer, who tried it, doubts its usefulness. |
According to Lewis, it appears that in most cases the horizontal reference
was established using an instrument called a dioptra, which was a suspended
vertical sector fitted with an alidade and leveled by fore and back sighting.
Another instrument, called a libra because of its resemblance to a scale,
was also used.
In some cases, a clumsy arrangement called a chorobates was used. Lewis,
a retired lecturer in industrial archaeology at the University of Hull
in England, speculates that the credit given to this instrument by Vitruvius
was out of proportion to its real usefulness. The chorobates was an elongated
wooden platform, sometimes with a water-filled longitudinal groove, having
plumb bobs on each end that were aligned with fiducial marks on the structure.
These were used to level it to the horizontal.
Sighting at a far point was done along an optical path grazing the platform's
surface. If the surveyer did it properly, the target point would be at
the same elevation as the surface of the chorobates. In some cases, the
groove was filled with water and the same process performed, sighting
above the water level at each end of the instrument. This application
is described in detail by Vitruvius.
The Roman practice of reducing a problem of irregular shapes to a series
of manageable-sized orthogonal blocks may have been primitive, but it
got remarkable results. The Romans could lay out structures successfully,
as in the case of the Pont du Gard, with slopes of one part in over 4,000.
Although a little luck may have been involved, that was impressive even
by modern standards. That it was done with instruments as primitive as
plumb lines and water levels is amazing.
The recent interest in applying modern analytic and experimental techniques
to the study of ancient engineering has inspired a good deal of research.
Hubert Chanson, a reader in the Department of Civil Engineering at the
University of Queensland in Australia, has published several papers on
the subject and has mounted an introductory Web site, "Some Hydraulics
of Roman Aqueducts." The site gives numerous references to other
literature, including experimental work by himself and V. Valenti in 1995.
Their conclusions demonstrate that the Roman hydrodynamicists, although
working without the benefit of modern analytic techniques, were surprisingly
sophisticated in their handling of large flow volumes andsometimeslarge
hydrostatic heads. When it came to distributing water to end users, their
work was less satisfactory.
 |
| The aqueduct that crosses the
Gardon River was once attributed to the Pantheon's architect. Protruding
stones on the face supported scaffolding. |
After being conveyed cross-country by aqueduct, water was distributed
to consumers in two ways. The more common was public fountains, often
very elaborate, which were social centers visited by the general populace
bearing water jugs. Wealthier citizens and businesses had water delivered
directly to their sites by a system of pipes and valves that closely resembled
their modern counterparts.
The piping, typically lead, was remarkably durable. Functioning examples
still exist after 2,000 years. Water was rationed to each user by calibrated
orifices scaled to a user's annual fee. The engineering was, in
fact, rather naive compared to the sophistication of the aqueducts themselves.
The flow rates of the orifices were poorly related to their cost. A bewildering
assortment of standard orifices existed. These orifices were documented
in great detail by Sextus Julius Frontinus when he was appointed, in the
first century of our era, to the very responsible position of water commissioner.
If you care to brush up your Latin, his work is available in a 1969 edition,
with an English translation by C.E. Bennett on one page and Latin on the
other. Frontinus appears to have been a compulsive writer. He documented
the aqueducts and their ancillaries in meticulous detailin contrast
to the casual attitude of the many bureaucrats who previously held his
position.
In his writing on the aqueductshe actually published as much on
military tacticshe gives the dimensions of 25 selected orifices
along with speculation as to how the odd sizes came to exist. Although
he devotes great attention to the question of diameter versus area, the
length of the tap, which we know to be vital to discharge rate, is treated
rather naively.
It doesn't appear that the characteristics of the taps were investigated
with what we would now regard as scientific rigor, but then the Romans
did not have two millennia during which the scientific approach evolved.
In contrast to their science, their understanding of human nature left
little room for criticism. We see this in Roman laws, many of which have
been handed down to us unchanged.
The Romans understood that there will always be people who try to beat
the system. Frontinus devoted much attention to discussing the devious
means by which culprits helped themselves to more of the public water
supply than they were entitled to. This sometimes took the form of concealed
illegal taps, but the system could also be defeated by oversizing otherwise
legal installations.
An effort was made to control such abuses using an approach we echo, two
millennia later, in ASME Code stamps. Taps were stamped with their size
by authorized inspectors. An unmarked tap could be immediately seen as
illegal and deputies were held personally responsible for guaranteeing
the dimensions of taps that had their stamp.
This was an example of the same Roman quest for perfection that would
not permit them to tolerate inaccuracies in the arches so characteristic
of their architecture. It is no coincidence that the man who was water
commissioner also wrote a book on military tactics. This same instinct
for precision gave Rome an army whose strict discipline, unique for armies
of the time, made it master of the Western world.
Robert O. Woods, an ASME Fellow and a frequent contributor
to Mechanical Engineering magazine, climbed the Pont du Gard in August
1994.
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